History

The oldest record bearing the name Tagum was a book written twenty-three years before the start of the 20th century. It chronicled the experiences of the Jesuit priests in their mission to convert both the Muslims and indigenous people living in the four corners of Mindanao. In the book, the Spanish priests described having already found two communication routes from Surigao or other northern areas to Davao to facilitate their missionary works. They mentioned Tagum as part of the second route to, stating that the Manat River flows from the Agusan to the Tagum River, which flows into the Davao Gulf (Societas Iesu, 1877, p. 40).

Another Spanish-era document mentioning Tagum was written by Julian Gonzales Parrado, a Spanish brigadier general who wrote Memoria Acerca de Mindanao which listed the established Moro Rancherias in the District of Davao and elsewhere in Mindanao. Of those listed, only three were in the post-World War II Tagum: Hijo, Madaum and the Moro Rancheria of Tagum River. These three Rancherias were headed by their respective leaders, namely, Casiaman, Marang and Pusocan (Gonzales, 1893, p. 64)

A year after, Jose Nieto Aguilar also wrote a book describing Tagum and Hijo rivers as among the three most important rivers in the District of Davao for having great quantity of water, pointing to Hijo River’s importance based on its capacity to enable explorers to travel from Davao Gulf to Butuan up in the north of the island (Nieto, 1894, p. 63)

That the three places were the only ones of the present-day Tagum mentioned in Spanish sources is not a wonder. Over one hundred years ago, the Muslim tribes located in the northern part of the Davao Gulf established their Rancherias along the rivers in the area since the salt waters of the gulf and the fresh flowing waters of said rivers provided sustenance and sustainability to the original settlers. Because the Rancherias were built near the mouth of the rivers in the area, and with the rivers being used as navigable roads, the turn-of-the-century Muslim settlements were able to have ease in transporting people and goods, enabling them to develop trade.

Nothing in the sources from both the Spanish and American era, however, made mention as to why the river that flows from the confluence of the Liboganon and Salug (Saug) Rivers was named Tagum. It was only after more than half a century had already passed that an account surfaced as to how the name Tagum came to be.
Datu Aguido Sucnaan, Sr., a Kyalalaysan, the highest priest or leader of the Mansaka tribe, and one of the most respected leaders in present- Tagum, narrated that the etymology of the word “Tagum” came from the word “Tageum”, a kind of tree or plant that was abundant during the olden days and was mainly used as a dye on the fabric used as clothing by the tribe during the olden days..

During this time, the water appears to be as dark as the color of the dyed water from the said plant which has been used by indigenous people of old in dyeing the Hinabol, an excellent-quality fabric made from Abaca fibers and produced through a traditional weaving process. This dye color is said to have been reminiscent of the clearness of the river in Bincungan which is magnified during summer.

Parts of Tageum would then be boiled for a day until the color of the water would become as dark as the color of the river, after which the Hinabol fabric would then be soaked in the dark liquid for one day until such time that it will be thoroughly dyed in a color that was a mixture of black and blue (Sucnaan & Onlos, 2008)

In other words, oral traditions of the Mansaka tribe had it that Tagum River derived its name from the plant Tageum which produced a dye color that is described as having the same color as the blue-black appearance of the said river.

But what exactly is Tageum? Which among the plant species found in the locality is it that can be used as a dye?

Research has shown that there is an Indigo plant that can be found in several parts of the country. Interestingly enough, the plant which has a scientific name of Indigofera Tinctoria is commonly called Tagum in the Visayan language, while its name is Tayum in Tagalog.

The Indigo is a perennial plant that reaches a maturity height of one to two meters. The plant, which has pinnate leaves and woody branches that are spreading or ascending, had been used as a major source of dye for a good number of years before the use of synthetic types began to flourish. The Tagum plant also had medicinal attributes that could treat disorders such as asthma, bronchitis, fever, stomach pain, wound sores and skin conditions, among others, and may also be used as a cover crop and green manure.

A turn-of the century dictionary published in Manila (Merrill, 1903, p. 159) which listed Tagum as a plant found in the Philippines during the American period has given weight to the account of Datu Sucnaan that Tagum River derived its name from the Indigo plant that abounded along the river and which produces a dark dye color that is reminiscent to how darkly clear the color of the river appears especially during summertime.

In present-day Tagum, the indigo plant has been seen to thrive on a type of soil similar to that located beside a fishpond in Barangay San Isidro. This recent finding was culled out from the various exchanges between the Office of the City Cultural Communities Affairs and the members of the Muslim communities living in the barangays near the Madaum and Liboganon (Tagum) Rivers who, attesting to the medicinal attributes of the Tagum plant, led the researchers to the area where it was found to have flourished without being attended to.

In an interview with Datu Belardo Bungad, the Tribal Chieftain of the Kagan tribe of Madaum, the Tagum, also pronounced as “Tageum” or “Tagyum”, is significant to their tribe since they believe that this is an extension of their life (sugpat ng kabui). In the olden times, they used this plant as medication for lung diseases such as tuberculosis, as well as for diabetes.

The discovery of the existence of pre-American era documents pointing to Tagum River as the basis for naming the vast coastal area settled by the original settlers as Tagum has once and for all, established the fact that contrary to the belief which had been perpetuated since before the 1970s, Magugpo is not the original name of Tagum.

Meanwhile, according to an oral tradition believed by the Kagan, Mansaka and Madaya tribes, Magugpo used to be a vast wilderness where there was a sporadic location of houses and communities made up of the members of these indigenous tribes. The name Magugpo, however, referred to a movement a person had to make to get from one place to another. The movement called “ugpo-ugpo”, or hopping, had to be executed while a person travel in and around the vast lands that had been majorly submerged in muddy water.

Act No. 2711 paved the way for Tagum to be formally founded in 1917, the year when the locality was brought under the folds of a civil government (Insular Government of Philippine Islands, 1917, p. 30). However, Tagum fell short of becoming a municipality and was merely created under the government form of a Municipal District.

A publication of the census of the entire Philippine Islands taken in 1918 stated that the term Municipal District is applied to most local governments of non-Christian population in the Department of Mindanao and Sulu and that in the special-government provinces in the island such as Davao, all areas which are not organized as full municipalities were designated as municipal districts (Census Office of the Philippine Islands, 1920, p. 480).

Section 52 of Act 2408 which provided for a temporary form of government for the territory in Mindanao and Sulu indicated that a municipal district may be organized in lieu of a municipality if the majority of the inhabitants of a particular locality have not been civilized sufficiently to warrant bringing the people under the rule of a municipal government; non-Christian settlements could not also be practicably organized as barrios of municipalities if said settlements are so small or so remote (Insular Government of the Philippine Islands, 1914).

Based on the given definition of Municipal District in the said legislation, it can be easily deduced that the area encompassing Tagum during the American occupation had settlements that were inhabited by what had been considered by the American-led government as insufficiently-civilized people. That Tagum failed to be created as a municipality when seven other localities in what was then the Davao Province were established as municipalities was also a testament to the fact that the insular government viewed the settlements of the Muslims and the Indigenous Peoples to be so remotely scattered in the four corners of the municipal district that they deemed it impractical to create the said settlements as barrios of a municipality.

During those times, the Governor of the Province of Davao was the one who had jurisdiction and exercised direct supervision over the Municipal District of Tagum. The seven municipalities under the undivided province during the American period were the municipalities of Davao, Santa Cruz and Malita located on the Davao Gulf, and the Pacific East Coast-situated localities of Baganga, Caraga, Cateel, and Manay. These municipalities in the province had one thing in common which accounted for their being formed into a municipality: their history of being successfully settled by Christians.

Before Tagum was given the status of a Municipal District, a geographical dictionary published two years after the turn of the century made mention of Begar as a large town of considerable importance that was situated some distance away from the shore of the Davao Gulf and up the Tagum River (Bureau of Insular Affairs War Department, 1902, p. 864). Local historians in Davao area have yet to figure out where exactly was the settlement located in the present time although a map during the Spanish period had indicated Begar as situated east of the Tagum River.

By 1918, the Insular Government had already conducted a Census of the Philippine Islands and included therein as part of the Municipal District of Tagum were the barrios of Madaum, La Paz, Lawaan, Lasang, and Hijo. It is worth to note that although Liboganon and Pagsabangan were also mentioned in the said publication of the census commissioned during that period, both areas, however, were mere sitios in the Province of Davao, and not a barrio (Census Office of the Philippine Islands, 1920, pp. 547,570). Bincungan was also listed, albeit as Binungan, in the appendix to the first volume of the Census, alongside Tuganay, Anibongan, a place called Batas, as well as Apokan (Apokon), and such other areas belonging to the municipal district like the barrios of Cambanogoy, Cubayo, Hising, Simbaan and Sapaaon which were indicated in the 1918 census’ Supplementary List of Barrios of Tagum (Census Office of the Philippine Islands, 1920, pp. 366, 402).

A compendium of the Executive Orders given by Governor General Francis Burton Harrison in 1919 also showed that the territory of Tagum had changed in so far as the make-up of its barrios is concerned. An executive order handed out that year by the Philippines’ governor-general had listed a place called Sali as a barrio in the municipal district (Governor-General of the Philippine Islands, 1920, pp. 73-74). After two years, however, and right after the insular government abolished the Department of Mindanao and Sulu as a special political division in 1921 which paved the way for the reorganization of the existing municipal districts in the Province of Davao, the barrio of Sali was not included as among the barrios comprising the Municipal District of Tagum.

This change in the make-up of the barrios of Tagum as a municipal district of the Province of Davao extended to Tuganay as it was not previously listed in the List of Geographic Names section of the 1918 census prior to its becoming a barrio under Tagum in 1921. The same thing could also be said about Pagsabangan which was previously classified in the same census document as a mere sitio of Tagum prior to its reorganization in 1921 (Census Office of the Philippine Islands, 1920, p. 570)but was also curiously listed as a barrio of the municipal district of Saug (now Asuncion) in the compilation of the 1919 executive orders. The barrio of Cambanogoy which was previously mentioned as among those listed in the 1918 census Supplementary List of barrios of Tagum was also cited as a barrio of Saug in an executive order (Governor-General of the Philippine Islands, 1920, pp. 59-60).

It is worth to note that at the time of the reorganization of the municipal district by virtue of Harrison’s Executive Order No. 8 in 1921, or four years since its formal and official founding, Tagum’s composition was narrowed down to nine barrios: its central barrio which was also named Tagum, as well as the barrios of Lawaan, La Paz, Lasang, Madaum, Hijo, Bincungan, Tuganay and Pagsabangan.

With Liboganon, as well as Tagum and Bincungan already established as sitio and barrios, respectively, less than twenty years after the turn of the 20th century, one would be hard-pressed to ask a question or two: Had the once- central barrio of Tagum, of the Municipal District of Tagum been absorbed to form part of what is now known as Barangay Bincungan when the seat of government was formally transferred to barrio Hijo in 1941 upon the conversion of the former municipal district into a municipality? Or did the former central barrio located along the biggest river on the west side of the Davao Gulf become a part of either the present-day barangay Busaon or present-day Liboganon?

This change in the territory of Tagum from the time it became a municipal district up to the present is manifested by how the locality grew to have more barangays from the measly eight (8) barrios in 1921, the make-up of which was changed when it was converted into a municipality in 1941.

A look at the first-ever compilation of Tax Declaration of real properties in the possession of the current City Assessor’s Office, and dated as far back as the 1920s, had shown the name of Magugpo as a barrio in the municipal district when its central barrio was still located at the Tagum River. This presence of the name of the said barrio for the first time in Pre-World War II documents five years after the reorganization of the Tagum municipal district, and nine years after its founding, may be attributed to the development which the locality had experienced at the advent of the migration of people from Luzon and the islands in the Visayas.

The same compilation of the real property tax declarations also showed that Tipaz, which is now Magugpo East, was once a sitio of barrio Apokon, while Cuambogan and Mankilam were sitios of 1920s barangay Pagsabangan. Tax declaration on a real property situated in the barrio of Canocotan showed that the said barangay had been formed prior to 1926, when Tagum was still a municipal district.

Twenty-four years after its formal founding, Tagum underwent a major upgrade as a political subdivision when it was converted into a Municipality in 1941 (Office of the President of the Philippines, 1941). Upon said conversion, the barrios comprising the new municipality included the old barrios of Bincungan, Lasang, Madaum, Pagsabangan, Tuganay and Hijo which was the town’s designated poblacion and the seat of government, as well as Magugpo and Mawab. It bears noting that at this point, the names Tagum, Lawaan and La Paz had already ceased to be listed as barrios of the locality.

In 1948, new area names which were not indicated when Tagum was converted into a municipality had started to appear in the compilation of tax declaration of real properties presently maintained by the City Assessor’s Office. These places included Visayan Village, Mankilam, Magdum, Cuambogan, Pandapan, Nueva Fuerza, New Balamban, La Filipina and La Fortuna.

The year 1949 saw the shrinking of Tagum when the South-western portion of the 8-year old municipality was carved out of its territory upon the creation of the Municipality of Panabo. With this birth of a new town, the old barrios west off of the Tagum River such as Lasang and Bincungan had fallen under the supervision and control of the newly created southern municipality.

Interestingly, there were several barrios that had been added to form part of the municipality of Tagum before the creation of Panabo. These barrios which were transferred to the new town upon its organization included the central barrio of Panabo which became its seat of government, Cagangohan, Anibongan, Ising with its sitios Mangalcal, Sibulano and Southern Davao; Maduao and the sitios of Upper Licanan, Tagpuri, Tagurot and Tagactac; and Malatibas, including its sitios of Manay and Little Panay. The barrio of Bincungan was also transferred to Panabo with its sitios of La Paz and Tuganay, which had been a full-pledged barrio in 1941 (Office of the President of the Philippines, 1949)

The area of the municipality of Tagum further shrank in the 1950s, with the creation of the new Municipality of Doña Alicia located east of the Hijo River in 1953 which took out Tagum’s barrios of Taglawig, and Hijo, the former seat of government of the municipality; and the creation of the northern Municipality of Mawab in 1959 which carved out the barrios of Mawab, Sawangan and Tuburan from the town.

A perusal on the text of the Executive Order which paved the way for the separation of the northern part of the Municipality of Panabo to create the new Municipality of Carmen in 1965 had shown what became of the old central barrio of Tagum. Based on the piece of legislation promulgated by then President Diosdado Macapagal, the said barrio had been annexed to the newly-formed municipality west of Tagum River (Macapagal, 1965).

Much like what happened to the barrio of Tagum, the barrio of Bincungan was also absorbed to form part of Carmen during its organization as a town fifty-four years ago. That the present-day Tagum also has a barrio (barangay) of the same name is something which gave the impression that the old-era barrios of Bincungan and Tagum were bisected by the great Tagum (now Tagum-Liboganon) River when the municipality used to extend its territorial reaches as far south as Lasang. One fact remains to this day, however: the barrios bearing the name Bincungan and Tagum which belonged to Carmen when the municipality was formed had ceased to become known as such as modern-day barangays bearing the same names no longer exist in Tagum’s neighboring town. This bit of history in relation to the changes in the territorial limits and boundaries which Tagum underwent over the course of more than half a century poses more questions that not and finding the answer is one that needs to be pursued and followed through.

These three tribes view the rivers of Liboganon, Saug, Hijo and Tagum as historical landmarks, one that became part of the lives of their ancestors, their refuge in times of war and the place where they went to trade and find other means of living.

According to Datu Belardo Bungad, the name Ka’ag was not ascribed by other people, rather it is their people who called themselves as such for they need to be warned about the intruding Chinese, Muslim missionaries, Spanish conquistadors, American invaders and the Japanese war-mongers who came to pillage the locality in that particular order, though years apart in actuality.

On the other hand, the ascription of the Kagan Tribe by others originated from the Mansakas of Compostela Valley. In this version, Kagan comes from the word kyakarag which means “to warn”. Another one that is also attributed from the Mansaka tribe is the word mangaragan meaning the “head hunting tribe”.

Another ascription based on an oral tradition recounted a person from Tagasug saying “Kyalagan ko na” which meant “I have found it”, referring to the Kagan tribe of which he was a part. That the members of the Kagan tribe were formerly called as “Kalagan” was because the word was said to have been derived from “Kyalagan.” One of the clan representatives in barangay Bincungan also shared the oral lore from a Maranao person who, referring to the Kagan tribe, asked “Wain yang lugar ng Karagan?” which in English meant “Where is the place of Karagan?” (Casilen, 2018)

The Kagan tribe has occupied their ancestral domain since time immemorial and has been considering the lands encompassed therein as their life – the value of their existence. They believe that Tagallang na Magbabaya, the creator of the entire universe, has entrusted them with the responsibilities to manage and ensure that the endowments from these lands will provide security for them as well as the tribe’s future generations.

Traditionally, the Kagan community invoked the concept of self-delineation in identifying their traditional landmarks. Some marked their territories with bodies of water which can be gleaned by the establishment of the early settlements of the Kagan tribe along the coastal area that stretched from the present-day barangays of Madaum, Liboganon and Busaon as well as along the Tagum- Liboganon River that meandered around Pagsabangan, Canocotan, Bincungan and Liboganon and the Hijo River that flows thru Apokon, Tipas (now part of Magugpo East), and Pandapan.

Settlements were also put up along the Hijo River which, prior to the coming of the Spaniards, was known as Iyo. The name “Iyo” was said to have been a Kagan chant, a means for the Kagan tribe to communicate to their tribesmen by imitating the sound of the Antolihao bird. When the word was chanted out loud by a Kagan, the word had to be shouted back in response as a means of recognizing the tribal identity of the newly-arrived tribesmen, thus gaining entry to their territory (Makaigad, 2018).

Aside from marking their territories with bodies of water, the Kagan also used huge trees such as Durian and Baluno as well as the Bamboo grass as their marker. Another marker includes stones which used to identify sacred places such as burial and worship ground. The usual symbols found in Kagan burial grounds are tombstones and common plants beside the burial sites such as Jampaka or kalachuchi and kila.

The Kagan maintained a seemingly close relationship with the Mansaka and the Mandaya, an indication of a life of co-existence and co-sharing in the vast territory that would become known as Tagum. This co-sharing and co-existing was exhibited in the way that the Kagans allowed the members of the two indigenous tribes to traverse their territories to get to present-day Liboganon and Madaum just so the two groups could get staple parts of their household food such as salt.

Culturally speaking, the Kagan tribe is similar to Mansaka and Mandaya as these indigenous tribes also valued the conduct of rituals, and referred to their God as Tagallang na Magbabaya. Not quite unlike the Kagan, the two other major tribes of Tagum also lived along the riverbanks since their way of life had also been connected to fishing and farming.

A Kagan community is governed by a Datu who has its Council of Elders who were formed so as to eventually attend to the general affairs of said community. The leadership usually provided solution to problems based on their customary laws, and on other major cultural and traditional practices.

The history of Kagan Datus in Madaum began in 18th century. The existence of their political governance was already imminent at the onset of the Spanish period. Following the Pre-Spanish era leadership of Datu Daugdugan who was known among the Kagan tribe members as the first Datu of their community, Datu Mangkiyas, who hailed from the then- part of Madaum (now San Isidro), would emerge as the leader of Madaum (Pongo & Bungad, 2018). These were followed by Datu Belalang (1855- 1875), Datu Pampang (1875-1895), Datu Malila (1895-1915), Datu Arimao (1915-1935) and Datu Bungad (1935-1968).

Among the Kagan datus known in Liboganon before the organization of Tagum into a municipal district and until a few years into its becoming a town were Datu Garcia, Datu Lupusan, Datu Subahana and Datu Ukado who ruled the area in succession. The datus who exercised supervision over their community affairs in Bincungan were Datu Diama and Datu Ginggon. Incidentally, the Kagan tribes in Apokon had been traditionally governed by the Datu of Madaum, while those living in Pagsabangan are under the governance of the Datu of Bincungan.

The indigenous political structure of the Kagan tribe is also composed of the Kuwano who is a warrior whose task to maintain peace and order include the protection of the members of the community; the Balyan who is the tribe’s healer, priest and adviser on spiritual matters, the one who takes charge of the administration of the traditional medicines, as well as the custodian of ceremonial laws who performs the rituals and such other spiritual undertakings; and the Biya who is a woman leader of royal blood, and may either be a wife, an aunt or a younger sister of the Datu who must have good knowledge and wisdom to take better care of the women’s affairs.

Over the course of many years, the Kagan population had dwindled in numbers. During their resistance against the rule of the foreign-led government, large numbers of the Kagan inhabitants, then referred to as Moros by the Spanish people, had been wiped out which, according to Datu Belardo Bungad, became the saddest story of his ancestors. Decades later, the population further underwent a reduction when an outbreak of Malaria happened during the Japanese occupation.

The majority of the members of the Kagan tribe can be found presently living in Barangays Madaum, Bincungan, Busaon, Libuganon, Apokon, and San Isidro, which used to be part of Madaum, as well as in portions of Magugpo East, which was formerly known as Tipas. Some Kagan settlements can also be found in Pagsabangan, Magugpo Poblacion, Magugpo South and Canocotan.

The word Mandaya came from the words “man” and “daya” which means “people” from the “upstream”. Additionally, Mandaya is said to have originated from the interpretation of an utterance of those who live downstream who would say, “Magdagum da kita kay kumadto kita sa daya,” which translates to “Let’s get dressed because we will go upstream.” The dagum referred to in the statement is the traditional Mandaya blouse worn by people who were implied to have wanted to go upstream using the traditional bangay or gakit to attend a traditional community dancing organized by the baylan. (Cipro, 2018)

In present-day Tagum, the members of the Mandaya tribe number to more than 8,500 based on the 2016 data gathered on a survey conducted by the respective leaders of the tribe in barangays Mankilam, Pagsabangan, San Miguel, Canocotan and Cuambogan. About 70% of the Mandaya tribes people chose to stay at the barangays where their ancestors once lived and died. Some Mandayas, however, migrated to the neighboring territories due to intermarriages among other tribes such as Mansaka, Kagan, Dibabawon and Sama.

The Mandaya tribe fosters a good relationship with those from the tribes of Kagan and Mansaka due in part to their co-sharing the big territory that would become Tagum. The fact that they were able to establish respect and understanding brought about by being able to understand each other due to the huge similarities – 95% — in their languages with the only difference being the manner by which they speak, their accent, tenses and intonations.

Known for their generosity, the Mandayas are highly spiritual, yet their spirituality is not borne out of some sort of animalistic belief but rather comes from their relationship with the community and environment.

The Mandayas are brave but peace-loving, friendly and diplomatic but with a strong personality. They exhibit a sense of pride, dignity and self-importance most especially among people who are from outside their tribal community, and their sensitivity and self-consciousness tend to make them observe propriety in social gatherings, or be offended when ignored or treated with indifference. They are a principled lot and thus could not be easily swayed by favour or monetary token, viewing their integrity as a Mandaya as more important than fleeting allure of money or material possessions.

The traditional political structure of the Mandaya tribe is headed by a Datu or Bia who, as the supreme leader, must be a teacher, mediator and adviser to the members of the community; a culture master who officiates traditional ceremonies like tribal weddings and such other celebrations; and a judge who Implements and executes the delivery of their justice system.

In the barangays of Tagum where communities of the Mandaya tribe are settled, this traditional supreme leadership fell within the shoulders of Datu Apolinario Pandacan and Datu Severe Mandaya of Pagsabangan; Datu Vicente Magkidong and Datu Vicente Magkidong, Jr. of Mankilam; Datu Mariano Navarro Lolo, Datu Flores Lulu and Datu Orlando Lulu of Canocotan. On the other hand, the cultural elders of San Miguel had stated that only the people belonging to the ancestry of Datu Aquilino Navarro were known to have become the leaders of the said area, while Datu Benjamin Mandaya Catalan, according to Bia Amie Catalan- Colotario and other elders, was said to have been the only traditional leader to emerge from Cuambogan.

As of today, the renowned leaders of this generation are the legatees of the said leaders mentioned above who continued the legacy of their ancestors in protecting the rights and welfare of the Indigenous Peoples as well as the Indigenous Cultural Communities.

Traditional leaders of the Mandaya also include the Baylan who is the community’s spiritual healer who can foresee future happenings, such as calamities and disasters. As a priest or priestess, the Baylan performs rituals yet does not conduct wedding ceremonies. The Mandaya communities in the city recognized the Baylan from Pagsabangan, Mankilam, Cuambogan and Canocotan as legendary.

The Bagani is the warrior of the tribe whose main responsibility had been to protect the community from enemies as well as to ensure that the customary laws are being religiously followed. A Kalalaysan is a full-pledged bagani who killed more than fifty enemies, invaders or criminals in defense of the Mandaya territory.

The members of the Mandaya communities are among the original settlers of Tagum and they have been in possession of their land since before the 18th century. They lived simply, foraging their territory for means that would provide them with their sustenance and basic needs. The advent of the downward migration of the people from the north – one that was encouraged by the government – saw the ownership of the vast territorial lands of the Mandaya change hands. It has been acknowledged that their vulnerability and hospitality — two good traits possessed by these people that had a negative outcome — allowed the migrants, with whom they traded their real property for materials that were a curiosity to them, to settle down and cultivate what should have been lands of ancestral domain, thereby shifting the title to the territory in favour of the newly-arrived people from the north.

The Tipanud of the Mandaya clans in Tagum can be found in the barangays of Mankilam, Cuambogan, Pagsabangan, Canocotan (formerly known as Lawa-an), and San Miguel which was once known as Kalaya-an.

Datu Victor Pandian of Barangay New Balamban had backed up this definition, stating that during the early times, the Mansaka people would always run upstream, especially when they would be visited by strangers since they considered the upstream as their refuge from dealing with people who do not belong to them tribe. They did not want to be influenced by the Muslim missionaries, Spaniards, American and Japanese colonizers. As Mansakas, they enjoy being isolated from the mainstream society Dr. Macario Tiu, on the other hand, defined Mansaka as people of the clearings, or saka, and further explained how the former description came to be:

The Bisayans erroneously (or perhaps in jest) interpret Mansaka to mean “people who go up or live up,” from the Bisayan meaning of saka “to go up or climb” (Tiu, 2005, p. 71).

Meanwhile, Datu Aguido Sucnaan, Sr. added that prior to being called as “Mansaka,” their people had once been called as “utaw” which meant an indigenous person with innate character and virtues. They see themselves as people with dignity and responsibility to the community, and would do their best to take care of their environment which is the source of everything.

The Mansaka believes in the existence of Magbabaya, the highest God, and the spirits who guard and protect the nature. They traditionally believe that the land is provided by the Magbabaya, and considers their land as a very important possession which they inherited from their ancestors especially because they are dependent on the resources found within their domain. They have a strong adherence to their land, viewing it as their life, but recognizing that they are only its stewards, with responsibilities to till and manage the land properly to enjoy its bounty. These responsibilities include the conduct of activities from planting until harvesting based on their traditional beliefs that involve the performance of rituals officiated by a Baylan to ensure that they would end up having a good harvest.

The tribe also considers it their responsibility to protect, defend and handle the land well enough to be able to bequeath it to the next generation. Traditionally, the manner by which the land is passed on to the younger generation is through the elder of the clan who would be one to delineate it using traditional boundaries such as rivers, creeks and mountains. Signs for boundaries are also observed by way of huge rocks, big trees such as narra or budbud, as well as through waterfalls. This practice of distributing the land which had been effective during the time of their ancestors is presently still observed.

Several of the members of the Mansaka tribe viewed the arrival of the migrants in an adverse light considering their experiences of being displaced after the newcomers to the locality were given leave by the national government to acquire much of their lands which should have been part of their ancestral domain.

In an interview with the descendant of Datu Ayok, one of the original Mansaka clan who settled in Magugpo, he recounted how his family’s combined landholdings stretched from present day Banco de Oro (BDO) to the area where the University of Mindanao stands. The title to their vast lands was later said to have been transferred to several migrant settlers as a result of the exchange of tobaccos, sardines and alcoholic beverages from the migrants and the good will of the tribespeople. When development caused by the migrants slowly started to take place in the said area, their clan was forced to uproot their family and transfer to New Balamban to live peacefully with the Pandian Family and the rest of the clans belonging to the Mansaka tribe (Ayok, 2018).

Further interview with the Mansaka tribal leaders revealed that among the barangays of Tagum, the areas originally inhabited by the Mansaka Tribe are New Balamban, Magdum, Pandapan, Apokon, San Agustin and Magugpo; these barangays were called by other names by the tribe members before their names were changed into what we know today.

When the area was still a secluded one, New Balamban used to be known as Tago, a name that was referring to the waters from the upland area that would connect with the Hijo River. The name change came about when migrants from Balamban, Cebu came to settle down at the territory and lived with the people of the indigenous community peacefully enough to warrant being given leave to do so when they requested the Pandian clan whose leader, Datu Bisti ,was the chieftain of the tribe, to have the name Tago changed to New Balamban in honor of their place of origin.

The Mansaka clans that are known in New Balamban are Mailan, Mabayao, Ondagan, Bilawan, Ambingan, Datuan, Matondo, and the Pandian clan from which the known leaders or “Pyagmatikadungan” of the place came from.

The name Pandapan was culled from Pyandarapan, which referred to the prevalence of the skin disease which they called ilab or dapaw, and which killed all the Mansaka tribe members of the area who, after falling victim to the said sickness, bathed and applied oil all over their body to heal their affected bodies. Since the Mansaka tribe had difficulty in pronouncing the word Pyandarapan, it resulted to them simply saying Pandapan when asked about the name of their place.

It bears noting, however, that Mapawman was the original name of Pandapan, which referred to the body of water which the Mansaka perceived to be small but would increase enough in size and depth during rainy seasons to become impassable. The name change came about in the 1930s when Datu Tukona, the first known leader of the Mansaka clans in Pandapan, agreed to have it changed after the prevalent skin disease became epidemic (Sucnaan Sr., 2018).

Among the early clans of the area are the Tukona, Sucnaan, Pinang, Buwangan, Ganad, Ansugan, Salimpataw, Suclian and Pausta.

The barangay of San Agustin, on the other hand, had once been known as Pinul’wan. According to the elders of the tribe, there was a great flood which caused damage to persons and properties. Despite the deluge’s intensity and magnitude, however, its flood waters failed to reach the area which remained intact. Thus, came the name Pinul’wan, from the word Pulo – and islet formed from an island surrounded by a body of water left after the flood (Gomez, 2018). The original inhabitant of the area is the clan of Bangkaylan Pipilay.

Meanwhile the barangays of Apokon, Magdum and Magugpo still retained the names by which they are known by the Mansaka tribe: Apokon was named after the word apok-apok which meant dusty, and described a particular area in the olden-day Apokon which was covered in dust (Perez, 2018). Another account stated that the term Apokon was taken from a small portion of the place located along Hijo River which had a grayish color (Sucnaan Sr., 2018). The original Mansaka clans of Apokon are those of Dodongan, Camilo, Maynola, Benaning, Badidi and Tagaod who maintained their sense of pride and remained true to their cause of protecting their identity and cultural heritage.

The name Magdum comes from the word mag’dum, a connotation related to the darkness in the area due to the thick forest that was filled with balite trees and native bamboos that covered even the riverbanks in the area. The abundance of trees in old Magdum enabled big white monkeys and poisonous snakes to thrive in the area which the Mansaka tribespeople feared, and as such, caused them to name the place as mag’dum.

Magugpo was called as such in reference to a movement one had to perform: one had to jump from one point to another before they could get to their eventual destination since the area, which at that time was also a thick forest filled with badyang — a gabi-like plant that created an itchy and tingling feeling when touched — had been covered with swampy and muddy portions (Egay, 2018)

Datu Sucnaan, Sr. had stated that before the coming of the Muslim missionaries, the Mansaka, Kagan and Mandaya used to be closely associated with each other as they shared similar culture and tradition. Over time, the tribes separated and became divided, with the Mansakas going up to the mountains, the Mandayas moving to the upper portion of the river and the Kagan staying by the seashore or the riverside.

In Tagum, the close association or relation of the members of the tribes belonging to Kagan, Mandaya and Mansaka was a product of intermarriages among the members of the three tribes who are also the original settlers of the locality. This bond by consanguinity, however, was not a hindrance to their being able to maintain their respective customs and traditions.

The indigenous socio-political structure of the Mansaka tribe, established to promote order, maintain security and advance the development of their communities, is composed of the Mangkatadung, or the council elders, which is the highest policy-making body that oversees the governance of the entire tribe or its cultural communities or territories.

The Datu or Pyagmatikadung, on the other hand, is considered to be the ultimate head of the tribe, the one who determines the economic and political life of the Mansaka, gives wise counsel to his people, and, among others, hears and decides cases or resolves conflict involving members of the tribal community. The known datus of the Mansaka tribe during the olden days were San Agustin’s Datu Bangkaylan Pipilay and Datu Lubaan, Magdum’s Datu Bayangoan Mansaka, Apokon’s Datu Liwanan and Datu Ramon Tagaod, Datu Bisti Pandian of New Balamban and Pandapan’s Datu Buwangan, Datu Pirto Salimpatao and Datu Ganad.

The first wife of the Datu also has a role to play in the hierarchy of the Mansaka tribe. Generally acting to serve and assist his husband, and stand as the leader of the Datu’s other wives, the Gibubayan may act as a leader who would entertain visitors in the absence of her husband (Sucnaan Sr., 2018). The second wife of the Datu, called the Duway, would act as the assistant of the Gibubayan whose many tasks also include giving orders and other instructions, or basically assisting the kabubayan (women) in the facilitation of farming activities (Pandian, 2018).

Meanwhile, the Kyalalaysan is one of the prominent leaders of the Tribe who has the same stature and prestige as that of the highest leaders of other churches and knows all kinds of rituals which require the singing and chanting when performing them. He generally comes from a family of Balyan. The current Kyalalaysan of the Mansaka tribe of Tagum, Datu Aguido Sucnaan, Sr., succeeded his grandfather, Datu Tangkunay, who was once a Kyalalaysan of the Mansaka tribe in Pandapan. Other Kyalalaysan of the olden times include Datu Lantones, Datu Manggang, Datu Kalipayan, Datu Uyop Uyopan and Datu Mailom.

The warrior class of the Mansaka Tribe, which is also an important aspect of its political structure, include the the Linambos which led the community based on the advice given by the Datu or Pyagmatikadung; the Bagani who are highly respected by all the members of the community and are responsible for looking after the security of the community and its clan members, ensuring that no harm, danger or ill-intentions from their enemies would befall the tribe; and the Maniklad who are members of the warrior class but of lower rank than the preceding warrior types.

Lastly, the Balyan, who is either male or female, is an important part of the structure of the Mansaka tribe. They are spiritual healers and doctors known as intelligent persons and are respected by the members of the tribe. Their knowing the cause of a tribespeople’s illness and their corresponding traditional medications had them viewed as someone endowed with special wisdom. They call out to the Magbabaya and other deities for guidance and intervention whenever necessary.

In the 1920s, courageous young men, both married and unmarried, answered the call to move down south and settle down in Tagum on the account that the pioneering migrant settlers each sought to find opportunities for a better life which they may have failed to achieve while they were still residing at their respective places of origin. These very first migrant settlers were not deterred by the jungle-like appearance of the municipal district where the relentless, dense vegetation were compounded with bugs and other insects usually found in bogs and other types of wetlands.

Quirino Magsanoc, Joaquin Pereyras and Macario Bermudez all came from Pangasinan and tried their luck at homesteading in 1920s Tagum with their families in tow. The real properties which they acquired from either the Mandaya or the Mansaka tribe who were Tagum’s original settlers, and which was supposed to form part of the ancestral domains of said indigenous tribes, were later turned into strips of lands which they used to entice their families, friends and neighbors who were still left at the towns where they were originally from, to come to Tagum.

The Magsanoc descendants and the Pereyras family would later donate vast tracts of these lands to the Provincial Government of Davao del Norte and the Local Government Unit of Tagum to be used for the Capitol Site and for the establishment of both the old and new Public Market, as well as the new Public Transport Terminal, respectively.

The Visayan islands of Bohol, Cebu and Leyte also churned out immigrants in the 1920’s. Manuel Suaybaguio, a Boholano who arrived in the area in 1929 became the first Mayor appointed to the post when the municipal district of Tagum was converted into a Municipality in 1941. He was instrumental in the construction of houses, drugstores and stores after the liberation of the Philippines in 1945. Meanwhile, Sulpicio Quirante, who migrated to Tagum via Cebu in 1929 was later appointed Vice- Mayor during the mayoralty of Suaybaguio. His family largely contributed to the development of the municipality by donating portions of his lands for the construction of the Roman Catholic Church and the establishment of the Rotary Park.

Uldarico Valdueza, a man of indeterminate age from Hilongos, Leyte, settled in Hijo to work in the abaca industry together with the Japanese decades before the outbreak of the second world war. Corazon Rojo, an intrepid miss from Sibonga, Cebu, also worked in the same abaca industry years before marrying a man that bears the surname Gabriel, a man from the island of Luzon. Corazon Rojo Gabriel and her husband became business pioneers and were among the key real estate lessors who greatly contributed to the town’s major infrastructural development before and after the war.

The intermarriages among the Melendres, the Briz, and the Senanggote of Cebu, resulted in the formation of one of the biggest extended families in Tagum whose greatest contribution in the development of the municipal district was mainly centered on the business aspect of real estate.

A decade into the mass settlements, the first pioneers, having found property and prosperity in the municipal district of Tagum, started convincing families and friends back in their respective places of origin to try their luck in homesteading at Tagum.

The new wave of migrant settlers of the 1930’s include those from Cebu like Hermogenes A. Misa whose family became business pioneers and real estate lessors of Tagum, having settled in what has become known as Misa District; and Elias Wakan whose son Eliseo, later became an integral part of the peace and order, as well as in development of the municipality of Tagum, having served as Chief of Police and Municipal Mayor.

Lucas Lopez, whose lineage settled first in Malita, Davao del Sur before traversing north to the municipal district, became the first municipal treasurer during the Suaybaguio leadership and his direct descendant, Allan, went on to serve the government and its people for more than two decades.

Rufo Rey from Bicol also migrated with his entire family to Tagum, settling down in Hijo prior to the approval of his Magdum-located homestead application. The Rey family donated a substantial number of parcels of land to be used for the Barangay Center, Chapel, Health Center and Day Care Center in Magdum. The political family of Estabillo was preceded by Nicolas O. Estabillo who migrated from Bayombong, Nueva Vizcaya and was a pioneering and founding member of the Four Square Church in Tagum. His son, Prospero, the first licensed civil engineer in Tagum was later elected as Mayor of the Municipality of Tagum.

Leyte migrants also tried their hands at homesteading in 1930’s Tagum: Nicolas Edig, who, with his wife Herculina Edig, stayed in Canocotan and donated lands to be used for the Canocotan Elementary School, which was later renamed for his wife; Climaco Maurillo was a homesteader who first settled at the town’s crossing before relocating near the vicinity of what is now the Tagum City National High School (TCNHS). His family gratuitously gave a portion of his landholdings to establish Tagum Community HS, later renamed TCNHS, when the high school was moved from its old site at the back of the Municipal Hall; Gregorio Rabe, a homesteader who worked for the Abaca industry at Hijo after arriving in Tagum, later donated lands for then-PC (now PNP) Barracks and was one of the founders of Liberty Primary School, now named Visayan Village Elementary School

The 1930’s also paved the way for the much needed teachers- scholars of the Ilocos Region to venture down south to educate the growing number of elementary-aged children of the migrant settlers. These homesteaders-cum professional teachers include Alfredo Pulmano from Naguilian, La Union, who was the first ever teacher in Tagum; Bernardino Concepcion, Sr. of Balaoan, La Union who went on to become Tagum’s first Schools District Supervisor; Rafael Ferido, Sr. who was the first Head Teacher of what is now La Filipina Elementary School; and Felix Gazmen of Cabugao, Ilocos Sur whose daughter Gloria Gazmen founded and opened Tagum Community High School (now Tagum City National High School) as well as La Filipina High School. Rogelio Apura Sr., who was originally from Ilo-ilo, contributed to the cause of education by becoming one of the pioneering teachers of Magugpo Pilot Central Elementary School after the liberation. On the other hand, Francisco dela Cruz of Balaoan, La Union helped in the promotion of the Education by donating portion of his lands to establish La Union Elementary School.

Clearly, the daring of these very first settlers resulted in the commencement of Tagum’s modernization. It is due to the fortitude of these young men and their families who were undaunted by long years of hard labor associated with homesteading, the approval of which is conditioned upon actual cultivation and residence for agricultural purposes, that the municipal district was transformed into a municipality. These same people were the ones who risked their lives and limbs, working on bogs-filled and bugs-infested alienable and disposable lands of the public domains to provide a better future for their children so that their children’s children would be better equipped at caring for and giving importance on the blood, sweat and hard work that were poured by their ancestors to ensure that Tagum would be what it has become today.